{"id":7529,"date":"2012-06-15T14:47:29","date_gmt":"2012-06-15T11:47:29","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/greece-in-limbo\/"},"modified":"2022-08-28T17:13:35","modified_gmt":"2022-08-28T14:13:35","slug":"greece-in-limbo","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/greece-in-limbo\/","title":{"rendered":"Araftaki Yunanistan"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><!--:en--><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00d6zet:<\/strong> Yunanistan 17 Haziran g\u00fcn\u00fc se\u00e7imlere gitmeye haz\u0131rlan\u0131rken, se\u00e7imlerin en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc adaylar\u0131ndan 37 ya\u015f\u0131ndaki karizmatik Alexis Tsipras hi\u00e7bir liderin daha \u00f6nce g\u00f6ze alamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeyi planl\u0131yor; merkez sa\u011f parti Yeni Demokrasi ve sosyalist parti PASOK taraf\u0131ndan temsil olunan ge\u00e7mi\u015fin politik elitini devirmek ve yeni bir d\u00f6nemi ba\u015flatmak. S\u00f6z konusu iki parti Yunanistan\u2019\u0131 1974\u2019ten beri y\u00f6netmi\u015f ve bug\u00fcnk\u00fc klientelist, verimsiz, r\u00fc\u015fvet ve yolsuzluklar\u0131n diz boyu oldu\u011fu kamu sisteminin ba\u015f mimarlar\u0131 olmu\u015flard\u0131r. Bu nedenle Alexis Tsipras liderli\u011findeki SYRIZA partisinin son iki y\u0131ldaki y\u00fckseli\u015fi \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir. 2008 y\u0131l\u0131nda ekonomik krizin patlak vermesinden bu yana Yunanistan\u2019da uygulanan kemer s\u0131kma politikalar\u0131 maalesef sonu\u00e7 vermemi\u015ftir. Bunun ba\u015fl\u0131ca iki nedeni vard\u0131r; ilk olarak PASOK h\u00fck\u00fcmeti orta-uzun vadede sonu\u00e7 verecek gerekli yap\u0131sal reformlar\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmekte ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z olmu\u015f, bunun yerine k\u0131sa vadeli \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlere y\u00f6nelerek do\u011frudan \u00fccretlerin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesi ve vergilerin art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na odaklanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Di\u011fer neden ise ba\u015fta Almanya olmak \u00fczere Avrupa Birli\u011finin Yunanistan b\u00fct\u00e7esi i\u00e7in koydu\u011fu hedeflerin kendi se\u00e7men tabanlar\u0131n\u0131 yard\u0131ma ikna edebilmek i\u00e7in gere\u011finden fazla iddial\u0131 tutulmas\u0131d\u0131r. Son d\u00f6rt y\u0131lda iyice anla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ki fazladan kemer s\u0131kma politikalar\u0131 Yunanistan\u2019\u0131 krizde daha da derine itmektedir. Syriza lideri Tsipras, AB ile program ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fczakere edilece\u011fine ve kemer s\u0131kma politikalar\u0131n\u0131n uzun s\u00fcreli\u011fine ask\u0131ya al\u0131naca\u011f\u0131na s\u00f6z vermektedir. AB yanl\u0131s\u0131 partiler ise program\u0131n ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n hafifletilece\u011fini ancak Yunanistan\u2019\u0131n gelece\u011finin AB Parasal Birli\u011fi i\u00e7inde olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrmektedir. Ancak farkl\u0131 partilerin benzer vaatlerine ra\u011fmen, ekonomik ve politik ko\u015fullar nedeniyle Yunanistan\u2019\u0131n belli bir s\u00fcre i\u00e7inde parasal birlikten \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olabilir.<\/p>\n<p>Maalesef AB Parasal Birli\u011fi ABD\u2019dekine benzer esnek ve d\u00fczg\u00fcn i\u015fleyen bir mali birlik olmaktan \u00e7ok uzakt\u0131r. Zor durumda olan \u00fclkelere ucuz, az ko\u015fullu ve hatta bedavadan mali yard\u0131mlarda bulunmak birli\u011fin iyi durumda olan ekonomileri i\u00e7in politik olarak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Di\u011fer taraftan zor durumda olan g\u00fcney \u00fclkeleri para birimi olarak Euro\u2019yu benimsedikleri i\u00e7in s\u0131k\u0131 mali politikalar\u0131n\u0131n etkilerini hafifletmeye yarayacak para politikas\u0131 ara\u00e7lar\u0131ndan yoksundurlar. \u00c7ok h\u0131zl\u0131 daralan i\u00e7 talebi d\u0131\u015f taleple ikame etmek ise ancak\u00a0 \u201ci\u00e7 deval\u00fcasyon\u201c yoluyla m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr, yani yerel \u00fccretlerin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesi yoluyla. Bu politika ise zor durumda olan Yunanistan i\u00e7in art\u0131k imk\u00e2ns\u0131z bir hal alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc h\u00e2lihaz\u0131rda i\u015fsizlik %22 seviyesine y\u00fckselmi\u015f ve zaten \u00fccretlerde b\u00fcy\u00fck kesintilere gidilmi\u015ftir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla art\u0131k Yunan halk\u0131n\u0131n daha fazla fedak\u00e2rl\u0131k yapmas\u0131n\u0131 talep etmek politik bir intihard\u0131r. Bu durum ise \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze imk\u00e2ns\u0131z bir \u00fc\u00e7leme koymaktad\u0131r; AB taraf\u0131ndan kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z yard\u0131mlar\u0131n politik olarak imk\u00e2ns\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131, Yunan halk\u0131ndan daha da fazla fedak\u00e2rl\u0131k istenerek i\u00e7 deval\u00fcasyona gidilmesinin politik olarak imk\u00e2ns\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve t\u00fcm bunlar\u0131n etkilerini azaltacak para politikas\u0131 ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n mevcudiyetsizli\u011fi.<\/p>\n<p>Bu nedenlerden dolay\u0131 bu makalede Yunanistan\u2019\u0131n parasal birlikten \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n muhtemel oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcndeyiz. Ancak birlikten nas\u0131l bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f ya\u015fanaca\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nemli bir ayr\u0131nt\u0131d\u0131r. En iyi senaryoya g\u00f6re anla\u015fmal\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f sa\u011flanmal\u0131 ve yeni para birimi drahmi y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe girene kadar AB deste\u011fi devam etmelidir. E\u011fer birlik i\u00e7inde kal\u0131n\u0131rsa Yunanistan\u2019\u0131 bir\u00e7ok reformun ivedilikle ge\u00e7irilece\u011fi ve \u00fccretlerin daha da d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclece\u011fi zorlu g\u00fcnler beklemektedir. Yunan halk\u0131n\u0131n buna ne kadar daha dayanabilece\u011fi belli de\u011fildir. Her iki durumda da maalesef Yunan halk\u0131 i\u00e7in se\u00e7enekler \u00e7ok zordur. Ancak Syriza partisinin se\u00e7imlerden galip \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 AB taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kadar k\u00f6t\u00fc bir se\u00e7enek de\u011fildir. Ge\u00e7mi\u015fin k\u00f6t\u00fc politikalar\u0131n\u0131n tarihe g\u00f6m\u00fclmesi ve yeni bir d\u00f6nemin ba\u015flamas\u0131 i\u00e7in bir ad\u0131md\u0131r. Machievelli\u2019nin dedi\u011fi gibi \u00f6fke ki\u015fisel y\u0131k\u0131ma ve irrasyonel davran\u0131\u015fa neden olabilece\u011fi i\u00e7in tavsiye edilen bir duygu de\u011fildir ancak korku insanlar\u0131 rasyonel davranmaya ve fayda maliyet analizi yapmaya itebilir. Yunanistan i\u00e7in maalesef kolay bir kurtulu\u015f yolu yoktur, birlik i\u00e7inde kalman\u0131n veya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n sosyal maliyetleri b\u00fcy\u00fck olacakt\u0131r. Ancak toparlanma Yunan halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7abalar\u0131na, eski d\u00fczeni de\u011fi\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in kararl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na ve fedak\u00e2rl\u0131klar\u0131na dayanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Yaz\u0131n\u0131n \u0130ngilizce tam versiyonu i\u00e7in:<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20161113221950\/http:\/\/researchturkey.org\/?p=1364\">Greece In Limbo by \u00a0G\u00fcne\u015f A\u015f\u0131k (LSE) and Kostas Matakos (University of Rochester)<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">\n<p><!--:--><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>\u00d6zet: Yunanistan 17 Haziran g\u00fcn\u00fc se\u00e7imlere gitmeye haz\u0131rlan\u0131rken, se\u00e7imlerin en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc adaylar\u0131ndan 37 ya\u015f\u0131ndaki karizmatik Alexis Tsipras hi\u00e7bir liderin daha \u00f6nce g\u00f6ze alamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeyi planl\u0131yor; merkez sa\u011f parti Yeni Demokrasi ve sosyalist parti PASOK taraf\u0131ndan temsil olunan ge\u00e7mi\u015fin politik elitini devirmek ve yeni bir d\u00f6nemi ba\u015flatmak. S\u00f6z konusu iki parti Yunanistan\u2019\u0131 1974\u2019ten beri y\u00f6netmi\u015f ve [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":200,"featured_media":9535,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[210],"tags":[205,216,206,207,208,209],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7529"}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/200"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7529"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7529\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9539,"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7529\/revisions\/9539"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9535"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7529"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=7529"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=7529"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}