{"id":7555,"date":"2022-06-25T17:23:39","date_gmt":"2022-06-25T14:23:39","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/the-edges-of-civilizations-turkey-and-india-in-the-21st-century\/"},"modified":"2022-06-06T13:51:25","modified_gmt":"2022-06-06T10:51:25","slug":"the-edges-of-civilizations-turkey-and-india-in-the-21st-century","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/the-edges-of-civilizations-turkey-and-india-in-the-21st-century\/","title":{"rendered":"Uygarl\u0131klar\u0131n S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131: 21. Y\u00fczy\u0131lda T\u00fcrkiye ve Hindistan"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>D\u00fcnyan\u0131n iki \u00e7ok k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc ulusu, T\u00fcrkiye ve Hindistan, ilk d\u00f6nemlerinin \u00e7e\u015fitli kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 yava\u015f yava\u015f \u00fczerlerinden at\u0131yorlar. Yeni Delhi ve Ankara, yerel dogmalar\u0131 ve eskimi\u015f doktrinlerini, asl\u0131nda olduk\u00e7a benzer yollarla, yeniden g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irip de\u011ferlendirerek, kendilerini 21. Y\u00fczy\u0131l d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan liderleri olarak konumland\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2008 y\u0131l\u0131 sonunda, T\u00fcrkiye`nin Hindistan B\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7isi Levent Bilman, Hindistan`da ufak bir kitleye hitap ediyordu. Diplomatl\u0131\u011f\u0131n gereklili\u011fini yerine getiren Bilman, T\u00fcrkiye`nin ve ev sahibi \u00fclke Hindistan\u2019\u0131n payla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011ferleri ve \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 anlatt\u0131: Orta Asya`da istikrar, k\u00fcresel ticaret, ter\u00f6rle m\u00fccadele ve demokrasi bunlardan ba\u015fl\u0131calar\u0131yd\u0131. Fakat Bilman`\u0131n bu iki \u00fclkenin ortak bir \u00f6zelli\u011fini ka\u00e7\u0131rmas\u0131 dikkatimi \u00e7ekti; her iki \u00fclkenin de k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn k\u00f6k\u00fc birden fazla medeniyete dayanmaktayd\u0131.<\/p>\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye tabi ki Avrupa ile Asya, \u0130slam ile Hristiyanl\u0131k ve de \u2013tart\u0131\u015fmaya a\u00e7\u0131k olarak- modernlik ile gelenek\u00e7ilik aras\u0131nda co\u011frafi ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir k\u00f6pr\u00fc konumunda. Hint Okyanusu`nun tam ortas\u0131ndaki Hindistan, <a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20150602180553\/http:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=7ZUlDNrQOzoC&amp;source=gbs_navlinks_s\">Robert Kaplan<\/a>`\u0131n deyi\u015fiyle \u201c\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki y\u0131llardaki g\u00fc\u00e7 ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma rab\u0131tas\u0131\u201d, Dharmizm, \u0130slam ve Konf\u00fc\u00e7yanizmin ayr\u0131m\u0131nda duruyor, binlerce dini ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc ayn\u0131 ulusta bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131yor ve de \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f ile gelenekseli uzla\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n zorlu\u011funu ya\u015f\u0131yor.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00fcreselle\u015fme \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda, ticaret yapabilmek, ileti\u015fim sa\u011flayabilmek ve de k\u00fclt\u00fcrler aras\u0131nda ba\u011f kurabilmek ba\u015far\u0131n\u0131n temel kayna\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye ve Hindistan, bu \u00e7a\u011fdan bir\u00e7oklar\u0131ndan daha fazla yararlanabilecek pozisyondad\u0131r. Fakat kendi kimliklerindeki kaderi fark etmeleri her iki \u00fclke i\u00e7in de uzun zaman almaktad\u0131r.\u00a0 Anadolu`yu ve yar\u0131maday\u0131 ev edinmi\u015f bir\u00e7ok imparatorlu\u011fun miras\u0131na sahip olsalar da, T\u00fcrkiye`nin ve Hindistan\u2019\u0131n modern \u00e7a\u011fda kendilerini tan\u0131mlamalar\u0131 \u00e7aba gerektirmektedir.<\/p>\n<p>T\u00fcrkler, Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn projesine g\u00f6re, Avrupa yanl\u0131s\u0131, milliyet\u00e7i ve s\u00fcrekli ilerleme yanl\u0131s\u0131 bir ulus in\u015fa ettiler. Hindistan\u2019\u0131n karizmatik liderleri Mohandas Gandhi ve Jawaharlal Nehru ise Nehru`nun Hindistan\u2019\u0131n \u0130ngiltere`den ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n arifesinde yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cKaderle Bulu\u015fma\u201d (<a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20150602180553\/http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Tryst_with_destiny\">Tryst with Destiny<\/a>) konu\u015fmas\u0131nda belirtilen hedefleri kendilerinden sonrakilere \u00e7\u0131ta olarak \u00e7izerek, Hindistan i\u00e7in ayn\u0131 oranda y\u00fcksek bir ama\u00e7 belirlediler. Fakat bu ama\u00e7lar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu birer \u00f6zlem olarak kald\u0131.<\/p>\n<p>T\u00fcrk ulusu otoriter y\u00f6netimler ve askeri kontrol ile bo\u011fu\u015furken, Hindistan`daki hiyerar\u015fi ve k\u00f6t\u00fc y\u00f6netim onu fakirli\u011fe ve yozla\u015fmaya mahk\u00fbm etti. Hindistan, demokrasisini geli\u015ftirebildiyse de \u201cher an de\u011fi\u015fmeye meyilli\u201d bir <a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20150602180553\/http:\/\/papers.ssrn.com\/sol3\/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1404827\">devlete<\/a> sahip olmay\u0131 kabul etmek zorunda kald\u0131.\u00a0 T\u00fcrkiye ise g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir devlete sahip olmak u\u011fruna demokrasisini feda etti.<\/p>\n<p>Fakat yine de neticeler her iki \u00fclke i\u00e7in de benzer oldu: T\u00fcrk ve Hint halk\u0131n\u0131n siyasi, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve giri\u015fimci istekleri ac\u0131mas\u0131z bir \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20150602180553\/http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Deep_state\">derin devlet<\/a>\u201d ve d\u00fcnyaya kapal\u0131 bir <a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20150602180553\/http:\/\/www.foreignaffairs.com\/articles\/61728\/gurcharan-das\/the-india-model\">ekonomi<\/a>taraf\u0131ndan bast\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f Ankara ve ezilen K\u00fcrtler`in ulusal anlat\u0131lar\u0131, Suriye ve Pakistan`\u0131n \u201cyabanc\u0131 eli\u201d oldu\u011fu Yeni Delhi ve Ka\u015fmir ile birebir \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fmektedir. Y\u0131llar boyunca, her iki \u00fclke de, bu ger\u00e7ekleri ulusal deneyimlerinin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir maliyeti olarak kabul etti.<\/p>\n<p>Daha derinlemesine incelemek gerekirse, Hindistan\u2019\u0131n Montroe Doktrini, Yeni Delhi\u2019yi G\u00fcney Asya\u2019y\u0131 kontrol etmeye odakland\u0131rd\u0131. Bu y\u00f6nelim, hem Hindistan\u2019\u0131 Yar\u0131mada`ya hapsetti hem de b\u00f6lgesel kom\u015fular\u0131yla aras\u0131ndaki gerginliklerin artmas\u0131na sebep oldu. Bu gerginliklerin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 hala \u201cAf-Pak\u201d B\u00f6lgesinde g\u00f6rmekteyiz. Benzer \u015fekilde, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti ilk y\u0131llar\u0131 boyunca tek ba\u015f\u0131na hareket etti. Sonras\u0131nda ise miras\u0131n\u0131n Orta Do\u011fulu ve Orta Asyal\u0131 \u00f6\u011felerinden uzak durarak Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6n cephesinde olma \u00e7abas\u0131yla NATO\u2019nun g\u00fcvenlik \u015femsiyesinin kenar\u0131nda yer ald\u0131.<\/p>\n<p>Oysa bug\u00fcn, her iki \u00fclke yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131l boyunca kendi ulusal kalk\u0131nmalar\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mlayan dogmalar\u0131 sorgulamaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Hindistan vatanda\u015flar\u0131, k\u00f6kl\u00fc sosyal ve ekonomik hiyerar\u015fileri yerle\u015ftirmi\u015f olan b\u00fcrokratik sosyalizmden kurtulman\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra yayg\u0131n yolsuzluktan kurtulmak i\u00e7in ayakland\u0131lar. <a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20150602180553\/http:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2011\/12\/22\/world\/asia\/indias-boom-creates-openings-for-untouchables.html?scp=2&amp;sq=lydia%20polgreen&amp;st=cse\">Ezilenler<\/a> kaderlerini, Hindistan tarihinin herhangi bir zaman\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha fazla kendi ellerine alabilmi\u015flerdir. Ac\u0131mas\u0131z Silahl\u0131 Kuvvetler \u00d6zel Yetkiler Yasas\u0131n\u0131n <a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20150602180553\/http:\/\/www.hindustantimes.com\/StoryPage\/Print\/759835.aspx\">y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131<\/a>, bir yandan Hindistan ordusuna Ke\u015fmir`de serbestlik sa\u011flarken, bir yandan da sorunlu b\u00f6lge i\u00e7in yeni bir gelecek yazma potansiyeline sahip olan <a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20150602180553\/http:\/\/newamerica.net\/node\/9454\">diyalo\u011fu<\/a> ba\u015flatt\u0131.<\/p>\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ise, hem h\u00fck\u00fcmetler hem siviller yeni bir d\u00fczen talep ediyor. \u0130nsanlar art\u0131k ne ordunun her diktas\u0131n\u0131 yerine getirmek istiyor, ne gazeteciler tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 konulardan hapse at\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda sokaklara d\u00f6k\u00fclmekten geri kal\u0131yor ne de istedikleri dine inanmaktan ve arzu ettikleri dili konu\u015fmaktan mahrum b\u0131rak\u0131lmay\u0131 kald\u0131rabiliyor. Ba\u015fbakan Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n K\u00fcrtlere ula\u015fma <a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20150602180553\/http:\/\/www.aljazeera.com\/news\/europe\/2011\/11\/201111245211148456.html\">\u00e7abalar\u0131<\/a>, \u00f6zellikle T\u00fcrk tarihinin karanl\u0131k bir k\u0131sm\u0131nda sayfan\u0131n \u00e7evrilmesi i\u00e7in umut vaat ediyor. Yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken daha \u00e7ok \u015fey olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, her iki \u00fclkede de devam eden de\u011fi\u015fiklikleri ink\u00e2r etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n<p>Yeni Delhi ve Ankara\u2019n\u0131n k\u00fcresel d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerindeki devrimler olduk\u00e7a benzer \u00e7izgiler g\u00f6stermektedir. Y\u0131llard\u0131r Yar\u0131madas\u0131nda h\u00e2kimiyet kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Hindistan, giderek stratejik ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 i\u00e7in G\u00fcney Asya\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6tesine bakarken, bir yandan da Hint Okyanusu ve \u00f6tesindeki \u00fclkelerle ticaret, enerji, siyaset ve g\u00fcvenlik konular\u0131nda ba\u011flar kurmaktad\u0131r. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde T\u00fcrkiye, D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakan\u0131 Ahmet Davuto\u011flu\u2019nun dile getirdi\u011fi \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20150602180553\/http:\/\/files.setav.org\/uploads\/Pdf\/insight_turkey_vol_9_no_3_2007_joshua_walker.pdf\">stratejik<\/a><a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20150602180553\/http:\/\/pragati.nationalinterest.in\/2010\/07\/a-turkish-concept-of-strategic-depth\/\">derinli\u011fi<\/a>\u201d\u00a0 \u201cco\u011frafyas\u0131nda ve tarihi deneyimlerindeki varl\u0131klar\u0131 kullanarak\u201d ve Ankara\u2019n\u0131n stratejik alan\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fleterek uygulamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Bu arada, Davuto\u011flu\u2019nun \u201ckom\u015fularla s\u0131f\u0131r sorun politikas\u0131,\u201d Hindistan Ba\u015fbakan\u0131 I.K Gujral\u2019\u0131n di\u011fer G\u00fcney Asya \u00fclkeleri ile uzla\u015fma sa\u011flanmas\u0131n\u0131 ama\u00e7layan d\u0131\u015f politika <a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20150602180553\/http:\/\/www.idsa-india.org\/an-jul9-8.html\">doktrini<\/a> ile olduk\u00e7a benzerlik g\u00f6steriyor. T\u00fcrkiye, nihayet \u00e7oklu medeniyet miras\u0131n\u0131 Bosna`dan Suriye`ye, \u0130srail`den Irak`a, \u00e7at\u0131\u015fan taraflar aras\u0131nda k\u00f6pr\u00fc olu\u015fturmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015farak kullan\u0131yor. Hindistan da, \u00f6rne\u011fin <a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20150602180553\/http:\/\/neilpadukone.wordpress.com\/2011\/01\/18\/can-india-facilitate-a-us-iranian-rapprochement\/\">ABD ve \u0130ran<\/a> ile kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 uzla\u015ft\u0131rmak zorunda olmas\u0131 gibi benzer sorunlarla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in, \u201c\u00e7e\u015fitlilik i\u00e7inde birlik\u201d prensibini kendi avantaj\u0131 i\u00e7in kullanmay\u0131 \u00f6\u011frenmek zorundad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Tabii ki, kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmalar, T\u00fcrkiye ve Hindistan\u2019\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ge\u00e7mi\u015fleri, co\u011frafyalar\u0131 ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrleri aras\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck farklar oldu\u011fundan \u00e7ok fazla ileri g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclemez. Ama as\u0131l \u00f6nemli olan \u2013 bana \u0130stanbul\u2019da g\u00f6rev yapan bir Amerikan yetkilisinin de dedi\u011fi gibi, ki kendisi Hindistan hakk\u0131nda da konu\u015fuyor olabilirdi \u2013 \u201cBurada insanlar her \u015feyin daha \u00f6nceki halinden iyiye gitti\u011finin fark\u0131nda.\u201d K\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n baz\u0131 yerlerde karga\u015fa, ba\u015fka yerlerde de diren\u00e7 g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi bir \u00e7a\u011fda, belki de bu, T\u00fcrkiye ve Hindistan\u2019\u0131n kurucular\u0131n\u0131n hayallerinin kar\u015f\u0131lanaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u2013 \u00a0ya da bunlar\u0131n a\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n- en iyi g\u00f6stergesidir.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Neil Padukone<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Bu makaleyi \u015fu \u015fekilde referans vererek kullanabilirsiniz:<\/p>\n<p>Padukone, Neil (Nisan, 2012), \u201cUygarl\u0131klar\u0131n S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131: 21. Y\u00fczy\u0131lda T\u00fcrkiye ve Hindistan\u201d, Cilt I, Say\u0131 2,\u00a0 s.9-10, <em>T\u00fcrkiye Siyasi Analiz ve Ara\u015ft\u0131rma Merkezi (AnalizT\u00fcrkiye), <\/em>Londra: AnalizT\u00fcrkiye<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>D\u00fcnyan\u0131n iki \u00e7ok k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc ulusu, T\u00fcrkiye ve Hindistan, ilk d\u00f6nemlerinin \u00e7e\u015fitli kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 yava\u015f yava\u015f \u00fczerlerinden at\u0131yorlar. Yeni Delhi ve Ankara, yerel dogmalar\u0131 ve eskimi\u015f doktrinlerini, asl\u0131nda olduk\u00e7a benzer yollarla, yeniden g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irip de\u011ferlendirerek, kendilerini 21. Y\u00fczy\u0131l d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan liderleri olarak konumland\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar. 2008 y\u0131l\u0131 sonunda, T\u00fcrkiye`nin Hindistan B\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7isi Levent Bilman, Hindistan`da ufak bir kitleye [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":187,"featured_media":8690,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[214,215,210],"tags":[216,206,207,208,209],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7555"}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/187"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7555"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7555\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8693,"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7555\/revisions\/8693"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8690"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7555"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=7555"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.researchturkey.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=7555"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}