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Recurrent Disappointment: Wage Inequality in Turkey

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For many, the New Year bears hopeful prospects, but not for the Confederation of Revolutionary Trade Unions (DISK) in Turkey. Assuming the government would follow the recommendations of the Turkish Statistical Institute (TUIK), the official announcement on minimum wages for 2012 left them in disappointment. To date, the minimum wage consisted of a monthly remuneration of 659 TL. Throughout 2012 this will be augmented by two progressive hikes of 6 per cent. As a result, instead of the expected 1000 TL, recommended by TUIK, the government will limit the increased minimum wage to 739 TL per month[1] The DISK reacted furiously, stating that in this way the government denied its citizens the possibility of living their lives in a humane way. Following the announcement, thousands protested in front of the Ministry of Labour and Social Security, where the police used tear gas, and arrested 38 union members.

At first sight the reaction of the DISK might seem somewhat exaggerated. An overall 12 per cent increase of the minimum wage over the course of one year seems like a very decent improvement of labour conditions. However, a closer look is required here. Firstly, the inflation rate – after some years of single digit successes – rose to 10.5 per cent in 2011, more than doubling the forecasts of the Central Bank.[2] Hence, the real increase of the minimum wage is much lower. Secondly, a significant point put forward by the trade unions is that the increasing wealth generated by the continuously growing economy is still far from being fairly distributed. The inadequate reform of the minimum wage is characteristic for the way in which minimum wage earners are left without a share in the country’s rapid economic growth. The trade unions emphasize this point by referring to the recent hike of pensions for members of parliament, who saw their pensions rise by 25 per cent to a total of 6200 TL per month. Initially these pensions were even set to rise with 60 per cent to a total of 8000 TL, but public pressure limited the increase.[3]

This discrepancy between minimum wage labourers and a top layer reaping the countries increasing wealth illustrates the structural asymmetries of the post-1979 Turkish economy. The liberalisation of the labour market coupled with the military coup d’état of 1980 practically crushed organised labour, leaving this group in a very vulnerable position. Economic decisions were guided by profit imperatives, at the expense of labourers. Without an effective counterforce restraining the forces of competitive capital accumulation, labourers saw their real wages stagnate and even decline in the economic crises of 1994 and 2000/2001. This stood in sharp contrast with GDP growth which, except some (inter-)national crisis years, continued its rise throughout this period.[4]

The latest quarrel over minimum wages can be interpreted in light of the uneven distributive currents in the liberalised Turkish economy. The total size of accumulated wealth increases, but this wealth is shared asymmetrically up to a point where large parts of society are forced to live around subsistence level. As such, the 12 per cent hike in the minimum wage merely obscures the continuous structural disparity in the distribution of wealth.

Mirko Van Pampus
Please cite this article as follows:
Van Pampus, Mirko (March, 2012), “Recurrent Disappointment: Wage Inequality in Turkey?”, Vol. I, Issue 1,  pp.10-11,  Centre for Policy and Research on Turkey (ResearchTurkey), London: ResearchTurkey (http://researchturkey.org/dev/p=188)


[1] Hurriyet Daily News, 2011. Minimum wage hike fails to satisfy unions, workers. [online] 30 December 2011. Available at: http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/minimum-wage-hike-fails-to-satisfy-unions-workers.aspx?pageID=
238&nID =10350&NewsCatID=347  [Accessed 31 December 2011].
[2] Turkish Statistical Institute (TUIK), 2012. Consumer Price Index.[online] 3 January 2012. Available at: http://www.turkstat.gov.tr/PreTablo.do?tb_id=17&ust_id=6 [Accessed on 5th of  January 2012].
[3] Hurriyet Daily News, 2012. MPs move to reduce debated pension hike. [online] 7 January 2012. Available at: http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/mps-move-to-reduce-debated-pension-hike.aspx?pageID=238&nID=10921& NewsCatID=338 [Accessed 7 January 2012].
[4] Yeldan, A.E. 2009. ‘Patterns of Adjustment in the Age of Finance: The Case of Turkey as a Peripheral Agent of Neoliberal Globalization’. The IDEAs Working Paper Series, Paper no. 01/2009.

‘Nobody, Not Even the Rain, has Such Small Hands*’: The Turkish Struggle with the Marketization of Water or ‘How can you Procure Life’?

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The Spanish director Iciar Bollain strikes the audience succinctly at heart and conscience with her excellent 2010 film ‘Even the Rain’, which tells the stories of the colonisation of Latin America in the 15th-16th century and the struggle of the Bolivian people against the global corporations which try to privatise their water supply in 2000 simultaneously. Bollain’s film strikingly points out to one of the most recent controversies in Turkey: the Turkish people’s organised struggle against the privatisation of energy and water supply in particular. The so-called ‘Platform for No to the Marketization of Water’ which has been established in November 2008 to protest against the 5th World Water Forum in Istanbul in March 2009 was organised by the collaboration of World Water Forum and the Greater Municipality of Istanbul. The main idea behind the initial protests was to oppose against the conception of water as a ‘commodity’ by the World Water Forum and its sponsor, United Nations[1] and the collaboration of public organisations such as local governments and OECD and private companies for ‘determination of the value of water through market mechanisms’. Within the course of past 3 years, the Platform organised numerous demonstrations in various parts of Turkey such as Hopa, Saklıkent, Fındıklı and İkizdere where the Small-Scale Hydroelectric Plants (HES) are constructed and where the right to use the river basins has been granted to multi-national energy companies for 49 years. Indeed, the Statutory Decree numbered 648, which has been issued right after the 12 June 2011 general elections, abolished all natural protection areas (SIT) and put their declaration under the control of a government controlled committee instead of the independent Council for the Protection of Cultural and Natural Heritage.